A few articles relating to this ship, but were all aboard from the same camp? Trying to track down full where-a-bouts of wifes uncle 2583962 Dvr Campbell. A. Malay Corps Signals, who was killed on this ship, from capture to boarding ship. Have sketchy details so far, but a visit to Kew turned up nothing I did'nt already have. Can anyone help?
A Fifer was he? In your research did you find out the "Hofuku Maru" was sometimes also called the "Toyofuku Maru" or "fuji Maru"? There's a list of those who died when the hell ship was sunk at COFEPOW here The following website has someone try to find out the same info as you, a relative who was in the Signals, captured at Singapore and later died on the same ship. Even the service number had the same first 3 digits! There's a possibility these two men stayed in the same group from captivity til their untimely deaths? Jack Kenneth Sunderland Earnshaw
Hi Del Boy. Thanks for getting in touch. I've been in contact with Jack Earnshaws nephew and exchanged info.He's as much in the dark of the possible camps they may have been in ,as me. The Maritime museum were good enough to send clarification on the various names that were used, and why.The book' No mercy from the Japanese ' makes small reference to the Hofuku Maru being in the same convoy from Singapore.
Hi there, I have recently found that my great grand-father died aboard the Hofuku Maru too. I read the Jack Sunderland website and near the bottom it states - "The final additional information is that there are boxes of approximately 56,000 POW record cards at The National Archives in Kew under reference WO345. These cards state which camps the prisoners were in, which ship was used to transport them etc. Box WO345/16 contains the card for John Kenneth Sunderland Earnshaw, and includes the designation of Hofuku Maru (KA27). Most of the required information – camps and dates – is in Japanese, but some is in English and there are also dates and lat/long locations that confirm all of the above. I have had the card translated and the contents is as follows." Unfortunately, due to health issues, I cannot make the journey to Kew myself, so is there any other way of me finding my relative's POW card? Would they look for it for me if I contacted Kew directly?
Kivo Welcome to the forum. PM either Drew5233 or Psywar.org they both research down at Kew and offer a service to members for obtaining war diaries etc.
I would suggest maybe Steve, http://www.ww2talk.com/forum/members/bamboo43.html may be able to help on matters relating to POW cards...... all the best Jason.
Herewith transcript of one of the affidavits from the War Crimes Trial relating to the Hofuku Maru, otherwise known as: Fakai Maru, Habuka Maru, Hayuka Maru, Kaiynshu Maru, Hofuka Maru, Hoka Maru, Hokapaku Maru, Hukapaku Maru and Opa Maru. The original is to be found at The National Archives under file reference WO235/995. All due acknowledgement is made to the National Archives and the deponent, the Judge Advocate General, & C. I, CYRIL LOWRY of 145 Church Street, Wolverton in the County of Buckingham (P1110015) make OATH and say as follows:- 1. On 12th February whilst serving as Private No. 5956652 of the Bedfordshire and Hertfordshire Regiment I was made a prisoner of war by the Japanese Armed Forces at Singapore. 2. Whilst a prisoner of war I was engaged on the building of a railway through Thailand and Burma. About June 1944 I was based on a prisoner of war camp known as CHUNGKAI, which is situated about one and one half miles North, North West of the Thailand frontier town of KANBURI. On a date unknown about June 1944 we were conveyed by train, accommodated in steel trucks, to a Transit Camp which the Japanese had prepared in Havelock Road, SINGAPORE. We remained in this Transit Camp for about 12 days. 3. Together with approximately 1,200 British and Dutch prisoners of war, the Dutch numbering about 200 to 300 men, we were marched a distance of about one mile and one half to Singapore Harbour. We carried our own kit and a small quantity of medical supplies. On arrival at the harbour we were split into two, approximately equal, groups, and were marched onto a Japanese ship. 4. The name of the ship was the HOFUKA MARU. 5. The name of the Japanese Officer in charge of the Prisoner of War Draft was JOTANI. I do not know the names of other Japanese personnel on board the vessel. - 2 - 6. The route taken by the HOFUKA MARU was via BORNEO and MANILA. The destination was KOREA. 7. The HOFUKA MARU sailed from Singapore in a convoy which included five other ships. I do not know the names of the other ships and I do not know the names of any Japanese on the other ships. None of the other ships carried prisoners of war. When the HOFUKA MARU was off BORNEO the vessel broke down. The rest of the convoy sailed on and the HOFUKA MARU remained off BORNEO, alone, for a period of three weeks. At the end of that period a further convoy arrived and we joined this convoy and sailed to Manila. I do not remember the number of vessels in this second convoy. I do not know the names of any of those vessels and I do not know the names of any of the Japanese on those vessels. None of those vessels carried prisoners of war. 8. The number of prisoners of war in the draft was approximately 1,200. 9. The HOFUKA MARU was a vessel of about 5,000 tons. There were three holds on the vessel, each about thirty feet deep. Each hold was divided into three sections each about ten feet deep. This was done by fixing iron girders across each hold and laying hatch covers over the girders. The two lower sections of each hold was filled with cargo. The upper sections of the fore hold and the hold amidships was the accommodation for the prisoners of war. There were approximately 600 men in each of the two holds. Each of the two sections of the holds used for accommodating the prisoners of war was divided into two sections by the same means I have described and approximately 300 men were ordered to sleep under the platform thus formed and 300 men on the platform. There was insufficient room for all of us to lay down although we were as close to each other as possible and some of the men had to stay in the centre of the hold with no shelter from sun or rain. 10. Each prisoner of war received eighteen ounces of rice per day and some mixed vegetables. For the first two weeks only we received a small quantity of meat. Each prisoner received one pint of water per day and in addition, tea was made from condensed sea water. There was sufficient - 3 - fluids for our needs. 11. The Japanese did not issue medical supplies, the only medical supplies we had wre those in possession of the two British Medical Officers on board. No treatment for the sick was available other than that given by our own Medical Officers and until we reached Manila no accommodation was made available for vthe sick. When at Manila our Officers were allowed to use part of the third hold as sick quarters. 12. Between Singapore and Manila we lost about 20 dead. We lost another 96 dead in Manila Harbour where we remained for five weeks. Practically all the remaining prisoners of war were sick. JOTANI gave permission for a few who died in Manila Harbour to be buried in the cemetery there but after that the bodies were taken out to sea and weighted with (boxes) sacks of Bauxite. The Japanese would not allow the Padre or any other prisoner of war to go with the bodies for a burial service but they allowed the Padre to read a few lines on the ship. 13. For bathing purposes we were allowed to throw buckets into the sea and use the water. The latrines consisted of a number of wooden boxes affixed to the side of the vessel but there were not enough for the purpose. The many sick were not strong enough to climb out of the holds and the others carried them to the deck to the latrines and bathed them and washed their clothes in sea water. 14. The ship carried a cargo of BAUXITE which was contained in all three holds including the holds occupied by the prisoners of war. Each prisoner of war was made to carry and was held responsible for a piece of raw rubber weighing approximately twenty pounds. 15. The life saving appliances were sufficient for our needs but they were not kept in a serviceable condition or accessible to the prisoners of war. Some of us were given a life jacket of a recognised naval pattern and others had life jackets made of very light blocks of wood tied with rope. All the life jackets were later taken away by the Japanese because they found we were using them as pillows. - 4 - 16. No attacks were made on either of the two convoys we were with between Singapore and Manila. On 20th September 1944 the HOFUKA MARU was one of a convoy of five vessels which left Manila escorted by two destroyers. About 10.30 a.m. on 21st Deptember 1944, the convoy was attacked by a force of United States Army torpedo bombers and I understand that all five vessels were sunk. The HOFUKA MARU was struck by three torpedoes and sank in about three minutes. I believe the Japanese were aware of the impending attack because at the time of the attack all Japanese wore life saving jackets and their kits were packed. No warning was given us and no assistance when the vessel was struck. We had no opportunity to reach the life saving jackets. The lifeboats could not be launched. The Kapoc rafts distentegrated in the water but the few wooden rafts floated. The escorting Japanese destroyers picked up the crew and Japanese escort of the HOFUKA MARU but left us in the water. The prisoner of war survivors were in the water for about eight hours and were then picked up by motor driven boats from Manila. On arrival at Manila a roll call was made and it was found that 280 prisoners of war had survived. 17. The HOFUKA MARU did not carry markings to show that it carried prisoners of war. I am aware that our officers made representations to the Japanese for the vessel to be suitably marked. 18. The HOFUKA MARU stopped at Borneo and Manila. 19. The names of other witnesses who sailed on the HOFUKA MARU are:- (1). Captain Peter DEAN - Cambridge Regiment. (2). Lieut. LAWRENCE - Gordon Highland Regiment. (3). Pte. James FARNHAM - Manchester Regiment. (4). Pte. William LOONEY - Beds & Herts. Regiment. (5). Pte. - - HADEN - Beds & Herts. Regiment. (6). Pte. - - SHAW - Manchester Regiment. (7), Pte. Joseph KAYLOR - Manchester Regiment (believed). (8). Pte. Percy CHALCRAFT - East Surrey Regiment. (9). Pte H. FARRIS - Regiment - Not known. 20. The only person I know who was responsible for embarkation and conditions on board the HOFUKA MARU was - JOTANI. - 5 - 21. I have been shown 24 photograhs of Japanese and as a result I am able to say that Photograph No. T. 321 on Plate No. 172 is the photograph of JOTANI mentioned in Paragraphs No. 5; 12 and 20 of this my Affidavit. I also recognise Photographs No. 118 and 135 on Plate No. 18 as being of Japanese personnel on board the HOFUKA MARU. I do not know their names. When these photographs were shown to me all names and personal details were permanently obscured. 22. After the sinking of the HOFUKA MARU we were detained in the main prison at Manila for a period of three weeks. We were under the supervision of United States troops who were responsible to the Japanese. Our treatment in this prison was good. 23. About 15th October 1944 the 280 survivors of the HOFUKA MARU were mustered with a number of United States prisoners of war, making a total of about 700. We were marched from the prison to Manilla Harbour where we were ordered aboard a cargo vessel of about 8,000 tons. 24. We sailed on the same day we embarked, that was about 15th October, 1944. 25. I do not know the name of the ship. 26. I do not know the name of the Japanese Officer in charge of the prisoner of war draft and I do not know the names of any of the Japanese personnel aboard the vessel. 27. The route taken by this vessel was HONG KONG; SHANGHAI and KOREA. 28. The vessel sailed in convoy. I do not know the number of ships in the convoy but I do know that there were at least three other vessels. I do not know the names of any of the ships or the Japanese personnel aboard them. 29. The prisoner of war draft consisted of some 700 men of which 280 were the British and Dutch survivors of the HOFUKA MARU. The others were United States troops. - 6 - 30. The prisoners of war were accomodated in two holds aboard the vessel. The draft was divided into roughly two equal sections - each section being accommodated in a hold. These holds were much deeper than those aboard the HOFUKA MARU being approximately 25 feet below the level of the deck. We had to sit down anywhere we could squueze in. The hatches were then battened down leaving a gap of about six inches for ventilation. Hawsers were then fastened across the hatch covers to prevent anybody getting out. 31. The ration scale was 18 ounces of rice per day and one pint of water. 32. No medical supplies were issued to the prisoners of war by the Japanese, the only supplies available were those in possession of our Medical Officers, and the United States troops. No sick quarters were available and the sick were laid on the hatch covers without shelter, being returned to the holds at night. 33. Between MANILA and KOREA 30 British and United States troops died. The sick comprised the whole British and Dutch contingent and some of the United States troops. 34. No bathing facilities whatever were available, not even sea water. There were no latrines and for this purpose two buckets were lowered into the hold from the deck by means of a rope. There were two boxes over the side of the ship if permission could be obtained from the Japanese guard to climb a ladder to reach them. 35. The vessel carried a cargo of small coal which was contained in the holds under our quarters. 36. There were no life saving appliances aboard this vessel. 37. Thirteen days after leaving MANILA the convoy was attacked on two occasions by submarines and I understand that two "tankers" were sunk. As a result of this attack we were driven off our course and made for HONG KONG. Whilst in HONG KONG an attack was made by United States Army Super Fortress aircraft. I do not know the result of this attack. - 7 - 38. The ship carried no markings indicating that it carried prisoners of war. 39. The ship stopped at HONG KONG; SHANGHAI and KOREA. I do not remember the dates upon which we stopped at these ports. 40. We were disembarked at KOREA. I do not remember the date. No priority was given the sick and they were compelled to carry their own kit. Those who were too sick to walk off the vessel themselves were carried by the prisoners of war who could walk. We marched eight to ten miles. 41. The names of other witnesses who sailed on this ship are contained in Paragraph No. 19 of this my Affidavit. 42. I do not know the names of the persons responsible for embarkation on this ship or the conditions prevailing on it. 43. We were house in a schoolhouse at KOREA for a period of about three months. We were then embarked on a vessel for TOKYO BAY. 44. I do not remember the date of embarkation. We were marched a distance of between eight and ten miles and then straight onto the ship. 45. I do not remember the actual date of sailing - it was one day after embarkation. 46. I do not know the name of the ship. 47. I do not know the name of the Japanese Officer in charge of the Prisoner of War draft or other Japanese personnel aboard the ship. 48. The route of the ship was direct KOREA to TOKYO BAY. 49. The ship sailed in convoy. It consisted of at least three vessels, with one Japanese destroyer as escort. I know that one of the ships was called the PEMBROKE MARU. I do not know the names of any of the Japanese personnel aboard the ships. - 8 - 50. The Prisoner of War draft consisted of 450 men. There were between 100 and 150 British troops and the rest were United States troops. 51. The whole Prisoner of War draft was accommodated in one hold which was approximately amidships. 52. The ration scale was eighteen ounces of rice per day and each man's water bottle was filled once per day. Those without water bottles had to go without water. 53. No medical supplies were issued by the Japanese. The only medical supplies available were those in possession of the United States troops. No sick quarters were made available. 54. There were no deaths on this voyage. There was very little sickness except for the usual number sick with beri-beri. 55. No bathing faciilities were available not even sea-water. Two boxes were affixed to the side of the vessel as latrines and the prisoners were permitted to visit the boxes one at a time. 56. The vessel carried a cargo of salt. I know that some of the cargo was in the hold below our quarters. 57. There were no life saving appliances aboard. 58. There were no sinkings and attacks on this convoy. 59. The ship did not carry markings indicating that it carried prisoners of war. 60. The ship did not stop at any port. 61. We disembarked at TOKYO BAY on 29th January 1945. We were marched off the ship and no priority was given the sick. - 9 - 62. The names of other witnesses who sailed on this ship are contained in Paragraph No. 19 of this my Affidavit. 63. I do not know the names of the persons responsible for embarkation and the conditions prevailing on this ship. SWORN by the above named DEPONENT Cyril Lowery C. Lowry at WOLVERTON in the County of BUCKINGHAM on this 30th day of September 1946. Before me H. Dolling a Justice of the Peace for the County of Buckingham. ends
Herewith the sworn statement of JOTANI, Kitaichi. Apologies for the typos in previous post. The ( P111etc) is a reference to my digital copy. There are a number of other statements on W0235/995 and on other files at TNA relating to proposed proceedings. The full transcript has the testimony of the prosecution witnesses and defence witnesses. The trial was a re-trial, but I know nothing about the first trial. (P1110005) (Pro-forma with deletions signed by the President identifying Exhibit "G") Certificate in accordance with R.P. 4 (L) ________________________________ I, F/Lt. J. HUGHES WILKINSON cerify that I have now duly warned (the accused) S/M JOTANI Kitaichi in the following terms. "Do you wish to make any statement or to give evidence on oath? You are not obliged to say anything or to give evidence unless you wish to do so, but whatever you say or any evidence you give will be taken down in writing and may be given in evidence." R.P. 4 (E) (The accused) S/M JOTANI Kitaichi states that he (a) (crossed through) Wishes to make an unsworn statement. (b) Will make a statement upon oath. (c) (crossed through) Does not desire to make a statement. Sgd:- J.Hughes Wilkinson Rank F/Lt Name in block capitals:- J.HUGHES WILKINSON Date: JAN 47 (sic) H.E.R. Smith Lt Col. President Pro-forma statement form completed in English handwriting (by interviewer) Transcript follows original line breaks Each sheet is signed by "J.Hughes Wilkinson" and in Japanese by S/M Jotani. Sworn Statement By S/M Jotani Kitaich ________________________________ I, Jotani Kitaichi, make oath and say as follows:- I have been duly warned that I am not obliged to make any statement, but that whatever I say will be taken down in writing and may be used in evidence. I wish to state voluntarily that:- I was solely in charge of the POW on board the HOFOKU ( TOYOFUKU) MARU, which sailed from SINGAPORE on 4 Jul 44 for JAPAN. I was the draft commander of the POW and escort party. S/M NORO Junichi was my second in command and was in charge of the guard. The ship’s command t was S/M Takahashi, whom I heard was in SAIGON before the war ended. Both NORO and I were sergeants when we made this trip. I supervised the loading, onto the ship, of the POW at SINGAPORE. The captain of the ship told me which holds were available and I alloted so many POW to each hold of the ship. The captain said I could also use all available space on the ship as well as the holds. There were 1282 POW in the draft. The ship had five holds. In the after hold of the foreward well deck there were 400 POW. In each of the two holds in the after well deck there were 400 POW. The (sic) was a hold aft of the bridge in which 20 POW lived on packing cases and other cargo. There was a compartment in the poop where 30 POW lived. Then there we…(torn) 30 POW living on the after well deck. In t…(torn ) forward hold of the forward well deck 90 Japanese troops were accommodated. The hold contained cargo, which was rubber and machinary (sic). There may have been other types of cargo in this hold, but I can’t remember what it was. There was not enough room for the 90 Japanese so quite a number slept on deck. The other holds carried car..(torn) over which a decking was placed on whi..(torn) the POW lived. (1) ( five words struck through) - 2 - The POW were very much overcrowded. A certain number of the POW were sleeping on deck. They were allowed to do this to ease the congestion in the holds. Permission to do this had been requested from the ship’s master. Even if he had hesitated to do this permission could have been demanded. A civilian attached to the navy with a rank or position similar to a Warrant Officer, whose name was SHIGAKI, was in charge of rations. SHIGAKI detailed two members of the ship’s crew to issue daily the POW rations. These were given to the POW cooks of whom there were nine. I used to inspect (word crossed out) the POW rations and the way it was cooked occasionally. The POW rations had been collected from the shipping authorities at SINGAPORE. The POW had not brought any food on board with them. It was my responsibility to see that the POW received their correct rations and that these rations were eatable. When the POW party left KANCHANBURI, SIAM all the medical supplies were handed over to the POW MO whose rank was that of a Captain. The POW MO collected these supplies directly (word crossed through) from Lt. NOBUZAWA Junichi who was the Japanese MO at the camp. He is now in Changi Jail. It was my responsibility to see that the POW MO’s had sufficient medical supplies to cope with what illnesses occurred amongst the POW on board. If they ran short I approached the responsible person in the ship’s crew, who was in charge of the ship’s medical supplies, for extra supplies to augment our own. ---- 3----- Every day I inspected the holds to see if the POW were comfortable and that that (sic) their quarters were clean. I inspected their food, as I have already said and made enquiries regarding their health. There were a lot of beri-beri and malaria cases amongst the POW. At MANILA 50 to 60 cases of beri-beri and malaria were sent to hospital. I also went to the POW camp at MANILA and got more supplies of medicine. The POW MO had given me a list of what he wanted. All the POW had a life-jacket. There were thirty rafts to the whole ship. They were four metres square and made of wood. The ship had three life boats. The sanitary arrangements were a five seater latrine slung outboard on both the port and starboard sides of the forward and after well decks. At 1030 Hours on 21 Sep 44 one day out of MANILA the HOFUKU (TOYOFUKU) MARU was bombed by allied aircraft. The ship was hit by three bombs. The first bomb hit the ship on the after well deck near No.5 hold. The ship started to subside by the stern. I was standing amidships when the bomb exploded. I started shouting “ All men overboard” and throwing rafts into the sea. The second bomb hit amidships exploding and blowing a hole in the side of the ship. This bomb seemed to have broken the ship’s back and brought up the stern. When the second bomb fell I was standing on the starboard side of the ship. I was still throwing rafts into the sea and shouting “All men overboard.” The --------- 4------------ third bomb hit the port side of the forward well deck just forward of the bridge. I was still standing in the same place when the second bomb exploded. This bomb finished the ship altogether. I immediately jumped overboard. The ship was sinking fast. I thought I was done for. Ten minutes later the ship had sunk. The attack on the convoy lasted two hours. There were five ships in the convoy all of which were sunk. While this was going on the POW were throwing rafts into the sea and jumping in themselves. When the second bomb hit the ship the captain shouted out to abandon ship through a megaphone from the bridge. I could not do anything myself to help the POW except to throw the rafts into the sea and shout out for everyone to abandon ship. There was a terrific panic and amount of confusion amongst the ship’s crew and Japanese personnel when the ship was hit. It was every man for himself. It was four hours before I was picked up by a small destroyer. NORO was picked up by the same ship a little later. There were about thirty plus POW on board when I was picked up. This destroyer picked up a further two POW while I was on her but no more. I made representations ------ 5------- to the captain of the destroyer to save more POW. He said that his ship was already overcrowded and that the other ships would look after them. The destroyer went straight to TAKAO where we arrived on 25 or 26 Sep 44. S/M TAKAHASHI disembarked at MANILA. I then assumed the position of ship’s commandant. It was my responsibility as ship’s commandant at the time of the sinking of the HOFUKU (TOYOFUKU) MARU to do all in my power to save the lives of those personnel on board for whom I was responsible. It was the ship’s master’s responsibility to do all in his power to save those who were on his ship. Never at any time between SINGAPORE and MANILA did TAKAHASHI interfere with my work as draft commander of the POW. He left me completely alone to carry out my work as I saw fit. The same could be said for the ship’s master. It was mostly a matter of co-operating with each other. I could do whatever I thought was nevessary for the welfare of the POW. No one interfered with my work or told me what to do. As regards conditions in general on board the HOFUKU (TOYOFUKU) MARU for the POW between SINGAPORE and the time it was sunk I was not satisfied with the vegetables as they were not fresh so I had dried vegetables / and sugar issued instead; also at ------- 6------- MIRI the water taken on board had oil in it, so I had creosote issued to the POW to take. I was also not satisfied with the health of the POW and that is why I got more medecine at MANILA. I was perfectly satisfied with the hygenic conditions of the POW quarters and their sanitary arrangements. S/M NORO Junichi who was a sergeant at this time was in charge of the Korean guard. There were about fortty-three guards. He mounted the guard each day. He also looked after their documents. I was responsible for the discipline of the guards and POW. NORO carried out such orders as I issued to him. Sometimes he would on my request carry out a ships inspection in exactly the same manner as I did and report verbally to me how things were. But this was not his duty. Between Singapore and Manila no POW died. Nevertheless while we were at Manila forty-four POW died on board from beri-beri and three / died from the reults of operations/ done on board one of which was an appendectomy. Also three out of the 50 to 60 POW, which had been sent ashore to hospital, died. ( following page returns to typed pro-forma numbered "2" ) - 2 - * The above statement has been read over to me by an interpreter and is true and correct transcript of what I have said, to the whole of which statement I now append my signature. Signed at...CHANGI JAIL this...17..day of..JANUARY...1947 Signature ( Japanese) ( Name in block capitals) JOTANI KITAICHI Sworn before me, Sgd:- J.Hughes Wilkinson this..17..day of..January...1947 An officer detailed to examine the above by C in C A.L.F.S.E.A. I,..Maj. K.S. KALSI....make oath and say that I truly and correctly translated to the accused..S/M JOTANI Kitaichi words of the above caution and that he thereupon elected to make a sworn statement, that he was duly sworn, and that he then made a statement which I truly and corrected translated in English and saw taken down by..F/Lt J. HUGHES WILKINSON. I read over the whole of the above statement to the accused in the...JAPANESE..language and he ack- nowledged it as correct and has now duly signed it in my presence and in the presence of ..F/Lt. J. HUGHES WILKINSON.. I certify that no inducement threat or promise was held out to the accused and that he made the above statement entirely voluntarily. Signed this...17..day of..JANUARY.1947 Signature..............K.S.Kalsi...Major ( Name in block letters )...K.S.KALSI Sworn before me (signature) J Hughes Wilkinson (rank) F/Lt (description) ..an officer in the RAAF this..17..day of..JANUARY 1947 An officer detailed to examine the above by the Commander-in-Chief, Allied Land Forces, South East Asia (Authy. ALFSEA War Crimes Instruction No.1 para..........................) * To be inserted in the case of sworn and unsworn statements. ends.
Herewith material NOT FOUND in the War Crimes Trial file. A special form was produced ( by MI 9 ?) to ask questions of P.O.Ws. who ended up in Luzon. Completed forms are found in the missing persons files at TNA for the Regiments/Units concerned. The form is reproduced in blank and the answers given appended. The Gordon Highlanders: Date¬¬¬¬¬¬_____________________________ Place_______________________ RELEASED PRISONER OF WAR ________________________________ Circumstances of capture and arrival in LUZON _______________________________________________ No.____________________ Rank and Name ________________________ Regt. or Corps ________________________________________________ Prisoner of war released from ( Camp address )_______________________ ______________________________________________________________________ 1. State circumstances and date and place in which you were captured. 2. State circumstances in which you reached Luzon:- (a) Was it a normal transfer from one P.W. Camp to another. (b) Were you landed in Luzon after the sinking of a vessel in which you were being transported as a P.W. 3. If you were at any time on a vessel sunk while transporting P.W. will you state, if possible:- (a) the name of the ship (b) When was it sunk (c) Approximately how many British Ps.W. were on board. (d) Approximately how many British Ps.W. were missing following the sinking. (e) The circumstances of the sinking of the ship:- (i) approximate position, distance from nearest land. (ii) Whether any friendly or enemy ships in the vicinity picked up survivors. (ii) How long did the ship take to sink? (f) How many were rescued? (i) by swimming ashore or (ii) by being picked up by an enemy vessel. (g) If you have not already given the names of those known to you as being on the vessel please name them here with their regimental particulars if known to you. ( Signed) Continued over ( form is blank overleaf) P1240356 Form completed by hand on both sides in ink C 15.2. 42 Singapore 2879104 Pte. Robert S. Holden 2nd Batt. Gordon. Highlanders Bilibid Manila In action 15/2/42 In Malaya Went on Jap boat which was going to Japan but was taken of sick at Manila. Yes Taken of before vessel was sunk. Opa Maru 21st Sept. 1944 1,000 or over 900 missing Survior told me dived bombed by American planes Not sure was taken of before. Enemy ship pick up some surviors Survior told me 3 minutes Survior told me 150 The names I am giving you were on the ship before I was taken of sick but when vessel was sunk never seen them in my camp called Bilibid in Manila. overleaf 1 Sgt Major. Murray. 2nd Gordons 2. Sgt Dawson No 2876408 2nd Gordons 3. Sgt Hepburn 2nd Gordons 4. Sgt Sheen 2nd Gordons 5. Cpl. Wood 2nd Gordons 6. Pte Murray 2876056 2nd Gordons 7. Pte (St) Smith later number 8 2nd Gordons 8. Cpl Hamilton last two numbers 95 2nd Gordons lived in Motherwell 9. Pte. Stuart 2nd Gordons 10. L/C Taylor 2nd Gordons 11. Pte Tennant C. lived in Aberdeen 2nd Gordons 12. Pte McLeash 2nd Gordons 13. L/C Cambell 2nd Gordons P.S. I am sorry this is all I can tell you. Yours Sincerely Pte Holden R.S.
Herewith another survivor's form from the Gordon Highlanders. TNA file ref is WO361/217 for this and previous post. Date¬¬¬¬¬¬_____________________________ Place_______________________ RELEASED PRISONER OF WAR ________________________________ Circumstances of capture and arrival in LUZON _______________________________________________ No.____________________ Rank and Name ________________________ Regt. or Corps ________________________________________________ Prisoner of war released from ( Camp address )_______________________ ______________________________________________________________________ 1. State circumstances and date and place in which you were captured. 2. State circumstances in which you reached Luzon:- (a) Was it a normal transfer from one P.W. Camp to another. (b) Were you landed in Luzon after the sinking of a vessel in which you were being transported as a P.W. 3. If you were at any time on a vessel sunk while transporting P.W. will you state, if possible:- (a) the name of the ship (b) When was it sunk (c) Approximately how many British Ps.W. were on board. (d) Approximately how many British Ps.W. were missing following the sinking. (e) The circumstances of the sinking of the ship:- (i) approximate position, distance from nearest land. (ii) Whether any friendly or enemy ships in the vicinity picked up survivors. (ii) How long did the ship take to sink? (f) How many were rescued? (i) by swimming ashore or (ii) by being picked up by an enemy vessel. (g) If you have not already given the names of those known to you as being on the vessel please name them here with their regimental particulars if known to you. ( Signed) Continued over ( form is blank overleaf) See P1240354 Completed as follows: C 18/ Oct 45 Newcastle 3318991 Pte Hay 2nd Gordon Highlanders Bilibid Prison Manilla Singapore 15/2/42 I was evacuated from the Jap transport 24/8/45 and put into an American POW hospital in Manilla (Bilibid Prison) The Jap Transport was sunk about 21/9/45. There was about 1000 British on board. T?J? Hay
Another Luzon form: from the R.A.O.C. file. TNA ref WO 361/316. Date¬¬¬¬¬¬_____________________________ Place_______________________ RELEASED PRISONER OF WAR ________________________________ Circumstances of capture and arrival in LUZON _______________________________________________ No.____________________ Rank and Name ________________________ Regt. or Corps ________________________________________________ Prisoner of war released from ( Camp address )_______________________ ______________________________________________________________________ 1. State circumstances and date and place in which you were captured. 2. State circumstances in which you reached Luzon:- (a) Was it a normal transfer from one P.W. Camp to another. (b) Were you landed in Luzon after the sinking of a vessel in which you were being transported as a P.W. 3. If you were at any time on a vessel sunk while transporting P.W. will you state, if possible:- (a) the name of the ship (b) When was it sunk (c) Approximately how many British Ps.W. were on board. (d) Approximately how many British Ps.W. were missing following the sinking. (e) The circumstances of the sinking of the ship:- (i) approximate position, distance from nearest land. (ii) Whether any friendly or enemy ships in the vicinity picked up survivors. (ii) How long did the ship take to sink? (f) How many were rescued? (i) by swimming ashore or (ii) by being picked up by an enemy vessel. (g) If you have not already given the names of those known to you as being on the vessel please name them here with their regimental particulars if known to you. ( Signed) Continued over ( form is blank overleaf) P1120069 Form completed in ink C 12/11/45 Winchester 7637212 Pte. G. Sizer R.A.O.C. Luzon Captured at Singapore 15/2/42 Being transported to Japan when ship was sunk Yes Fuku-Maru 21/9/44 1000 950 6 miles from Luzon No 3 minutes 50 by raft & swimming Have given all information when returned to England Pte G. Sizer 7637212
The last Luzon form I have found, from the Bedfordshire and Hertfordshire Malaya Missing Personnel File, reference WO 361/334 Date¬¬¬¬¬¬_____________________________ Place_______________________ RELEASED PRISONER OF WAR ________________________________ Circumstances of capture and arrival in LUZON _______________________________________________ No.____________________ Rank and Name ________________________ Regt. or Corps ________________________________________________ Prisoner of war released from ( Camp address )_______________________ ______________________________________________________________________ 1. State circumstances and date and place in which you were captured. 2. State circumstances in which you reached Luzon:- (a) Was it a normal transfer from one P.W. Camp to another. (b) Were you landed in Luzon after the sinking of a vessel in which you were being transported as a P.W. 3. If you were at any time on a vessel sunk while transporting P.W. will you state, if possible:- (a) the name of the ship (b) When was it sunk (c) Approximately how many British Ps.W. were on board. (d) Approximately how many British Ps.W. were missing following the sinking. (e) The circumstances of the sinking of the ship:- (i) approximate position, distance from nearest land. (ii) Whether any friendly or enemy ships in the vicinity picked up survivors. (ii) How long did the ship take to sink? (f) How many were rescued? (i) by swimming ashore or (ii) by being picked up by an enemy vessel. (g) If you have not already given the names of those known to you as being on the vessel please name them here with their regimental particulars if known to you. ( Signed) Continued over ( form is blank overleaf) P1120062 Form completed in typing as follows: C 4 Oct. 45 61 Ord. Sub-Depot (FTM) Hendon. HENdon 3061 5953092 Pte. Jackman, H. R.A.O.C. ( previously in 5 Bn. Beds. and Herts. Regt.) Camp II, Thailand ( Siam) 2(b) YES 3(a) Cannot remember. 3(b) 21 Sept. 1944 3(c) 1,100 3(d) 1,000 3(e) (i) 7 miles 3(e) (ii) Jap ships in the vicinity, who picked up Jap survivors only. 3(e) (iii) Approximately 9 minutes. 3(f)(i) Five 3(f)(ii) Nil 3(g) Already passed on this information. H. Jackman 5953092 (Pte)
Herewith the first of three affidavits NOT FOUND on WO235/995 and presumably not shown to the defence, unless used in the first proceedings of which I am ignorant. This one from a Metropolitan Police file which contains a number of other affidavits concerning Far East P.O.W. matters. ( The National Archives file ref: MEPO3/2760 ) IN THE MATTER OF WAR CRIMES COMMITTED BY JAPANESE NATIONALS AND IN THE MATTER OF THE ILL-TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR WHILST IN TRANSPORTATION BY SEA ON THE S.S. "HUKAPAKU MARU" FROM SINGAPORE TO LUZON BETWEEN 27th JUNE, 1944 and 21st SEPTEMBER, 1944. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- I, Henry Anthony BURTON, of 20, Downsway, Whyteleafe, in the County of Surrey, a Fitter, make oath and say as follows:- (1) On 8th March, 1935, I enlisted in the Regular Army and was posted to the 2nd Battalion, East Surrey Regiment, my official number being 6141047. Whilst with my Regiment at Singapore, on 1st January, 1941, I was transferred to the Royal Army Service Corp, with whom I was serving there when captured by the Japanese on 15th February, 1942. (P1190433) (2) On 21st June, 1942, with other prisoners, I was sent to CHUNKAI Prisoner of War Camp in Thailand, and for the next 18 months was employed on the Thailand-Burma Railway. On 7th June, 1944, I was returned to Singapore arriving there 12th June, 1944, and was placed in a camp, the name of which I cannot remember. It was known as the Havelock Road camp when used by the British before the war, and I was there for about three weeks before being sent to Japan. (3) We were embarked on the 27th June, 1944, the 1,283 prisoners in the camp being split up in two parties, one to occupy each of the two holds on the ship. We marched the 2 1/2 to 3 miles to the ship, and I was in the second party, which occupied the rear hold of the ship. (4) After embarking the prisoners, the ship anchored in the straits at Singapore for about four days, and I think we actually sailed on 1st or 2nd July, 1944. (5) The name of the ship was known to us as the "HOKAPAKU MARU" and was the name shown on one of the lifeboats on the deck. Most of the names had been painted out, but we discerned this name through the paint. It might have been the "HUKAPAKU MARU". (6) A Japanese sergeant major, who was known as "Joe Tunney", this being the nearest pronunciation to his name which we could get, was in charge of the prisoners on the ship. The other Japanese called him "Jatani". I do not know the names of the other Japanese personnel on board, who were all strangers. (7) So far as we could judge by the sun, the course of the ship was southward for the first few days, and then northward. After a week or ten days we reached a bay, with oil derricks on the mainland, which we took to be at MIRI, in Borneo. After waiting there a week, we went on to MANILA, arriving there some time in July, 1944. From that time until 20th September, 1944, the ship was in the bay there, or in the vicinity, moving about at times when what seemed like air raid warnings were sounded on the land. On/ Page 2 On the night of 20th-21st September, 1944, we left MANILA, sailing northwards so far as we could judge, keeping close to the coast. At about 10.30 a.m. the next morning, 21st September, 1944, we were attacked by American planes and the vessel was sunk. (8) We were sailing in convoy most of the time, but I do not know details of the ships when sailing from Singapore to Manila. When we left Manila there were about twelve ships, including about four warships, in the convoy, but I do not know the names of any. (9) Of the 1,283 prisoners in the draft, 600 were in the rear hold, where I was situated, the remainder being in the forward hold. The rear hold was about 40 yards by 30 yards and the centre, where the hatch is situated, was not allowed to be occupied, as there was cargo underneath. There were two tiers on each side of the ship in which the prisoners were accommodated, the space between each tier being about 3 feet to 4 feet. The prisoners could not stand when in these tiers and had to sit or lie down. We could only stand when going to the latrines, on the upper deck, or in a narrow alleyway between the tiers. (10) There were two meals a day, each of about a pint mug of rice, with a vegetable as extra, in the evening; four times a week. For the first eight days, we were given tea, which tasted salt, as though it had been made from sea-water. After some prisoners had been caught taking fresh water from the tanks, the captain of the ship ordered us to be given a pint of fresh water per day, and we had this for the rest of the journey. (11) The only medical supplies I saw on the vessel were a few quinine tablets, issued to men who had malaria. There was no special treatment, at first, for men who were sick, but in August there were about forty deaths among the prisoners, mostly from starvation and beri-beri, so far as I could judge. The Japanese then cleared a small hold at the rear of the vessel and put about 200 of the more seriously sick prisoners there. There were two British doctors on board at the start, but one of these, whose name was BRAHMS, or something similar, died in August. Only about three per cent of the prisoners on board remained free from illness during the voyage, and whilst at Manila, a party of 50 of the more serious cases, who were picked out by our own doctors, were taken ashore. In all 92 British and 4 Dutch prisoners died on board during the voyage, through illness. Another 850 or so were lost when the ship was sunk. (12) The sanitary arrangements on board were very bad. At first there was one wooden tub, situated in the hold, to accommodate about 200 men. These had to be emptied overboard when full. For men too ill to move, mess tins were used as bed pans. After arriving at Manila, three wooden crates were rigged up, on the upper deck, over the ship's side, but this was totally inadequate and there was always a sort of queue. (13) The two lower decks of the vessel carried a cargo of reddish rock, which some said was bauxite. We unloaded this at Manila. (14)/ Page 3 (14) There was one kapok life saving jacket between each two prisoners. These were in the holds with us, and on deck there were some balsa wood life saving jackets which the Japanese used. They also had some wooden rafts on the upper decks for the use of the crew. (15) As shown previously, on 21st September, 1944, the convoy was attacked, for the first time, by American aircraft. So far as we could see, about six of the ships in the convoy were sunk during this engagement. (16) The ship carried no Red Cross markings, or other markings to indicate it was carrying prisoners of war. (17) When the ship was sunk, I managed to swim ashore, with about 46 other prisoners, and were again taken prisoners by a party of Japanese soldiers. We were taken to a village in which was a hall bearing the name "San Fernando", which we took to be the name of the place. Eventually we were sent to Manila where we were embarked on another boat, as described in my other Affidavit, on 12th December, 1944. SWORN at 46, Parliament Street, S.W.1. ) ) ( Signed) H.A. Burton ) in the County of LONDON ) ) this ..........day of........................1947 ) Before me ( Signed) C. Browett Seager. A Commissioner for Oaths.
Herewith another affidavit from the "filleted" file which contains a number of statements concerned with "JT" or "Japanese Transit" cases. The file was released to TNA in 1988 and in the catalogue bears the "Title/ Scope and content" description of: " Various affidavits, statements and interrogation reports concerning Japanese War Crimes on Transport Ships". MD/JAG/FS/J/29 S.2286 I, William Edward Looney, No 5775451, late 5th Battalion, Royal Norfolk Regiment, with a permanent home address at 15 North Common, Redbourn, Hertfordshire, make Oath and say as follows. I was a Prisoner in the TACKANOON No 2 Camp, THAILAND, and was moved from this Camp to CHUNKI. I was then chosen to go to Japan, and left for that country travelling via Singapore. The man GERTANA, mentioned in my last statement, was in charge of it. We were put on the boat at Singapore and compelled to carry as well as our kit, a piece of rubber weighing about half hundred weight (cwt). There was 1200 of us on this boat, we were put in two holds and we were not allowed out for three days. The instructions were given by GERTANA. We were on the boat for about two months, during which time, fifteen of our men died from BERRI BERRI, we were compelled to throw them overboard. We were about eighteen hours out of Manilla (sic) when we were torpedoed, and 950 of our men lost their lives through being prevented from escaping from the holds. I was in the top hold and I was able to get out. I was picked up by a fishing smack and taken back to Manilla. There were thirty three of us in our boat, I was badly wounded in the left arm and the left side. The fisherman pulled us on the boat and kicked us out of the way to get others on. I cannot describe any of the crew of the fishing smack. GERTANA was picked up be (sic) a Destroyer. Signed W.B. Looney Statement made and signed in my presence. F.S. Gingell ? Justice of the Peace in the County of Hertfordshire. 17th October. 1946.
The last affidavit not used in the Jotani prosecution, nonetheless of interest to historians. From WO 311/545. IN THE MATTER OF THE JAPANESE WAR CRIMES AND IN THE MATTER OF THE ILL-TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR BETWEEN 15th FEBRUARY 1942 AND FEBRUARY 1945. MD/JAG/FS/J/29 ----------------------------------- A F F I D A V I T ------------------------------------ I, No.3522358 LANCE CORPORAL FREDERICK BENNELL with permanent home address at 22 Bedford Street, Hulme, Manchester, make oath and say as follows:- I am at present a serving Soldier, Lance Corporal 3522358, Staff., 63 P.T.C. Manchester Regiment, Dunham Park, Altrincham, Cheshire. I was taken prisoner at Singapore on 15th. February, 1942. I was then a Lance Corporal in the 1st. Battalion, Manchester Regiment. I was kept in Singapore about three months. I was then sent to Thailand working on the railway. I returned to Singapore for embarkation to Japan. That would be June or July, 1944. I was working on the railway about two years. We were in Havelock Road Camp, Singapore for about 14 days and we then embarked on the " HUKAPAKU MARU ". This was July, 1944, bit I can't remember the exact date. We were marched from the camp to the docks and on to the vessel. Approximately 1200 embarked, British and Dutch. We sailed the same day. The Japanese Officer in charge was Lieut. ENO. With him were the following:- Sgt. Major JOTANI. Sgt. NORO. Private ARIE who was the interpreter. The Japanese crew on the ship had nothing to do with us. We sailed from Singapore to Borneo in convoy of 10 to 12 ships. We stood off there about 10 days with engine trouble. As far as I can remember the next stop was just outside Manila. We were in convoy from Singapore to Manila. We were left behind at Manila with engine trouble, and the convoy sailed on. We stood off Manila approximately three months when we were joined by another convoy of approximately 10 or 11 ships. I don't know the names of any other vessels in the convoy. We left Manila with the second convoy about the night of the 19th. September, 1944, bound for Japan. On 21st. September, 1944 we were attacked by American aircraft. We had three direct hits and the vessel sank in about four minutes. I swam ashore. When the ship was attacked the majority of the men were in the hold but I happened to be on deck. Approximately 200 British and Dutch were saved from this ship. 63 swam ashore. The ship had three holds and there were about 400 men in each hold. There was no protection from the weather. The Dutch were to-gether.(sic) There was no definite ration scale and we often went without food for two days. It was always boiled rice. There was no fresh water but we occasionally had some kind of brew supposed to be tea. We occasionally had a thin vegetable soup prepared from green leaves. Whilst we were stood off Manila there was a lot of sickness, chiefly Beri-Beri and dysentery. Approximately 96 men died on board up to the time we were sunk. Medical supplies were very limited. There was no Japanese Doctor. There were two British Doctors on board but one died. I was never seriously ill on this vessel. I would say that at least 50 per cent of the men were seriously ill on this ship. The men who died were sewn up in sacking and buried at sea. This was done by our men. Sanitary arrangements consisted of boxes tied to the rail of the ship and we were allowed up on deck at various times to use them. When we were not allowed on deck we used a bucket in the hold. The vessel conyained (sic) a cargo of red sandstone which was in the lower hold, below us. There were lifebelts made from bamboo blocks. They were stowed in a corner of the hold. Some men used them for pillows and were beaten up by Sgt. Major JOTANI. This ship did not carry any markings to show that Prisoners were on board. ( next page, not numbered, loose on file WO311/545 ) AFFIDAVIT - Frederick BENNELL ( continued ) _______________________________________________ The only other person I remember on this ship was Captain Nigel Evans, 1st. Battalion Manchester Regt. He is now my Adjutant. After the "HUKAPAKU MARU" was sunk I was in the water about seven hours without clothing. When we got ashore there were Japanese soldiers waiting for us. I was tied to a tree. We were taken by lorry to a Japanese outpost about 200 Kilometres from Manila. We were there about ten days. We had little food. The Japs gave us no food at all but the Filipinos brought us food once a day. There were about 63 British and Dutch. We were then taken to CABANATUAN Camp. We were there about three weeks and then moved to BILIBID Prison, Manila. We were there about two months and then embarked at Manila on a vessel which I believe was the " HYROKA MARU" a vessel of about 8000 tons. Approximately 1600 British, American and Dutch embarked. There were only about 30 British and Dutch. It was a semi cargo-passenger vessel and there were a number of Japanese civilians, including women and children on board. We embarked on 13th. December, 1944. We were put below at once and never allowed on deck again. There were two holds and about 1000 men in the one I was in. We sailed early next morning. I do not know the names of any of the Japanese in charge except the interpreter who was called Mr. Waters or Walters. As we were below all the time I do know if we sailed in convoy. As far as I know we were bound for Japan. The conditions in the ship were atrocious. We were herded in the hold so closely that we could neither sit nor lie down. It was a very deep hold, practically covered with boards at the top. There was no ventilation. The hold was completely covered at night. There was no lighting of any kind. Food was lowered into the hold in buckets and many never managed to get any. I never had any food all the time I was on the vessel. On one occasion I had a drink of water. I saw men cut their wrists and drink blood, and I saw men drink urine. We could hardly breathe and I would say that 30 men died in the three days we were on the ship. A rope was lowered and the body would be hoisted out of the hold. Men became so crazed they fought each other. I would say all the men in the hold were ill. There were no medical supplies of any kind. There were no sanitary arrangements of any kind. There was no life saving apparatus. I don't know if the ship carried cargo. About 15th. December, 1944, the ship was attacked by aircraft and hit by bombs. We carried on and the attack was resumed the next day. A bomb fell near the top of the hold and a lot of debris fell in the hold on the men and killed a lot. After this the Jap guards fired into the hold and killed a lot of men. We managed to get on deck and found the ship deserted and on fire. We grounded off an island called "LONGAPOU" ( As near as I can spell it). The Japanese guards were ashore and we went ashore and were taken to a camp there. It had been an American camp. This second vessel did not bear any P.O.W. markings to my knowledge. I sailed in two other vessels, the names of which I do not know, before I finally reached Japan in February, 1945. Frederick Bennell TAKEN AND SWORN BEFORE ME THIS 8th DAY OF FEBRUARY, 1947 ? Ernest Harvey JUSTICE OF THE PEACE FOR THE COUNTY OF CHESTER.
An affidavit that was used in the trial. Not all of the affidavits would be read, especially where the latter paragraphs related to irrelevant material. Many War Crimes prosecutions relied totally on statements. In this case there were two major prosecution witnesses, the testimony of the defendant, another NCO from the vessel and some Japanese officers. As stated when filing the Lowry affidavit, all due acknowledgement of these documents, in the public domain since about 1978, to the makers thereof, to the National Archives, and to the Judge Advocate General's department and/or the successors is given. MD/JAG/FS/JT/15 and JT/2 (P1110025) S2218 IN THE MATTER OF JAPANESE WAR CRIMES AND IN THE MATTER OF THE ILL-TREATMENT OF PRISONERS OF WAR. AFFIDAVIT 1. I, George Edward Mower, Private NO.5774021, 4th Battalion Royal Norfolk Regiment, now discharged, with permanent home address at 68, St. Nicholas Street, Thetford, Aged 28, make Oath and say as follows. 2. I was taken prisoner by the Japanese on the 15th February, 1942, at Singapore, and was kept in Singapore until June and was then sent overland by train via Malaya to Thailand. I was working on the Siam Railway till June 7th, 1944, and was then taken back by train to Singapore to Havelock Road Transit Camp, arriving there on June 12th, 1944. I was in this Camp until June 27th, 1944, when I embarked on the HOKA MARU. The ship was tied up in Singapore Docks and we were marched on board by guards and put in the holds, 600 prisoners in each of two holds. I was in the aft hold. We sailed from Singapore on July 4th, 1944. I do not know the names of any Japanese officers or guards in charge of us. There was no name on our ship but everybody called it the Hoka Maru, it was a steamer. We sailed via the coast to Borneo and called at one Port there, I believe it was Brunei. We sailed in a convoy of about seven ships but I never saw them as I was kept below all the time, and I cannot give any information about them. We arrived at Brunei on the 9th July, 1944, and our ship broke down there and we were left behind by the rest of the convoy. We left Brunei after about six days and sailed through various islands to Manila Bay, arriving there on 24th July, 1944. We sailed alone from Brunei to Manila Bay. We left Manila Bay on September 19th, 1944, with seven other ships - this was another convoy which we waited for at Manila. We hung about the mouth of Manila Bay for about a day and one day out from Manila, about 11 a.m., 21st September, our ship was attacked by American carrier torpedo planes and sunk. Three more ships in the convoy were sunk, one ran aground, and I believe the others were damaged. I do not know the names of any of the other ships - I - 1. - don't think there were any prisoners on these ships. I was in the water six or seven hours on a piece of wreckage and then I was picked up by a small Japanese armed fishing boat, and this took me back to Manila where I was put in Bili Bid prison until 1st October, 1944. Altogether there were 1,200 prisoners of war on the Hoka Maru, 600 in each hold, and there were only 257 survivors - most of the men went down with the ship as it was hit three times and sank almost at once. 3. Conditions on the ship were very bad. In my hold, which was open to the weather, there was a platform round the side of the hold, about three to four feet from the deck, about 5'6" wide, and about 200 men laid on it. About the same number laid underneath the platform, and about 200 had to lay on the deck in the middle of the hold, exposed to all weathers, and we were terribly overcrowded. We were not allowed to take anything on board except small personal items; I had an old haversack, a pair of rubber shoes, one blanket, pair of drill trousers, a seaman's jacket and an old piece of canvas, in addition to what I was wearing, which was an old drill shirt and slacks and rubber shoes. No bedding was provided by the Japanese. The ration was two meals per day, about 11 a.m. in the morning a mess tin three parts full of boiled rice and wheat with salt, and tea to drink; about 5 p.m. at night some boiled rice and barley, with sometimes a piece of salt fish and a spoonfull of cooked vegetables, and tea to drink. There was no sugar or milk in the tea. Apart from the meals a bucket of water was issued each day for every thirty men, and this had to last the day. It was badly condensed from sea water and was very salty and impure and unfit to drink. There were no medical supplies and the only medical treatment was what could be given by our own Doctors. There were three Doctors in my hold. Nobody died up to Manila Bay, but there were between 400 and 500 sick men on board, most of them hopeless cases with beri-beri. Practically all these cases were contracted on board, as we were mostly fit men when we boarded ship. While we were lying in Manila Bay about 100 men died, eight were buried in Manila Cemetery and the rest were thrown overboard. The bodies were usually taken a - 2 - short distance from the ship in a small boat at night and put in the sea. Some of these corpses were allowed to lie on deck all day in the sun until they were put in the sea at night, and prisoners had to take their meals in sight of the bodies. There were no sanitary arrangements and we had to use buckets and mess tins in the hold where we slept and ate. Boxes were hung over the side of the ship but most men were too weak to get into them to use them. Our ship was carrying ballast, there was no cargo as far as I know. There were about 400 life jackets on the ship, also some rafts which were practically useless. There were nothing like enough appliances for everybody. There were no markings on our ship to show it was carrying prisoners of war. The only treatment our Doctors were able to give men with beri beri was to cut their feet open and lay them in the bottom hold for the liquid to drain from them. Two men were operated on in the hold in front of the rest of us, one was for appendicitis and the other was for ulcerated stomach. The operations were performed on a stretcher supported on four tubs, and the doctor used an open razor. 4. On the 1st October, 1944, I was taken from Manila on a coal boat, about 4,000 tons, which we called the Benjo Maru. This was the worst ship I was on, and we went via Hongkong and landed at Formosa on the 9th November, 1944. We were put in Engine Camp, staying there until January, 1945. We marched six miles to the Station and were taken by train to the northern part of Formosa, I forget the name. 5. The Melbourne Maru was lying in dock and we were marched on board in parties. We went straight from the train on to the ship, and we went on board on January 12th, 1945. We sailed on the 14th January. I saw the name " Melbourne Maru" painted on the side of the ship, forward. We sailed via Shanghai and landed in Japan on January 28th, 1945. This was the best boat I was on. We sailed in convoy, I do not know the names of any other ships, I should say there were about ten, all cargo ships, and we were escorted by - 3 - Japanese destroyers and corvettes. The Melbourne Maru was heavily armed with A.A. guns and 4 inch Naval guns. There were only about 400 prisoners of war on board; I don't know if there were any on the other ships in the convoy. I was in the aft hold with about 200 other prisoners. There were bunks for nearly all of us, but no bedding. The hold was covered in with canvas. Food was reasonable, some days we had three meals, some days two meals, and sometimes we had a little meat or fish, but we did not get enough to eat. We had tea in the morning and hot water at night, and we could get cold water during the day if we wanted it. The Japanese supplied a few tablets but medical supplies were scarce, and the only medical treatment was that which our own Doctors could give. We were lousy, and there were about 100 sick, but only about seven men died, and they were buried at sea. The only sanitary arrangements were buckets and wooden tubs in the hold. We were not allowed on deck at all. It was a large ship and was carrying a cargo of sugar and rice stowed in holds beneath us. There were about 250 life jackets on board, and some rafts and lifeboats, probably enough to accommodate everybody. There were no sinkings or attacks on our convoy, but one of our escort vessels dropped some depth charges just before we reached Japan. There were no markings on our ship to show we carried prisoners of war. We called at Shanghai and stopped about one day - I do not know the date. We arrived at Nagasaki, Japan, on January 28th, 1945, and our ship put into dock and we disembarked via gangways. The fit men went off first and carried and helped off the sick. No priority was given to the sick men. 6. I cannot give the names or descriptions of any Japanese Officers or guards responsible for disembarkation or conditions on the ships, or in charge of prisoner of war drafts, as I had very little contact with any of them. I suggest that our Officers could supply names as they had dealings with the Japanese, in particular Captain Deane (sic) of the Cambridgeshire Regiment, Lieutenant Lawrence of the Gordon Highlanders, and Captain Lewis of the Suffolk Regiment, a Medical Officer. - 4 - 6. I can vouch for the dates I have given because I madfe rough notes of dates and kept them hidden from the Japanese, and when I was freed I made a list, and then destroyed my original notes. I cannot supply any useful photographs or other documents. 7. The following men were prisoners with me all the time and can also give evidence as to conditions on the ships:- Dick Hayto, 110, Costead Manor Road, Brentwood, Essex; J.E. Taylor, 44, Rectory Road, Leigh on Sea, Essex; E. Pigg, 24, Council Houses, Pulham St. Mary, Diss, Norfolk; A. H. Spraggin, Roker, Sunderland, Durham; C. Sergant, 2, Nelson Street, Wisbech, Cambs; Austin Jervis, Tamworth Road, Long Eaton, Notts; A. White, Medina, Gaywood, King's Lynn, Norfolk. T. Williams, Crosstrees Cottages, Harecroft Road, Wisbech, Cambs; R. Hammond, 23, St. Lewis Street, King's Lynn, Notfolk; E.W. Haddon, 24, Gad Lane, Woburn, Beds; L. Sage, Colchester Road, Manningtree, Essex. 8. When I reached Japan I was taken to Koshi Kura B3 Camp, Sendai Area, and was released in September, 1945. ( Signed) G.E. Mower TAKEN AND SWORN BEFORE ME THIS TWENTY FIRST DAY OF SEPTEMBER, 1946, AT THETFORD IN THE COUNTY OF NORFOLK. L. Clarke JUSTICE OF THE PEACE FOR THE COUNTY OF NORFOLK. Statement taken by Sergeant Frank Slack, Norfolk Constabulary, Wymondham, on 21st September, 1946.
An affidavit prepared by the Judge Advocate General and printed in mauve by what I would call a Gestetner machine for wide distribution, photocopiers being then in their infancy. Very much to the point. The senior British Officer on board: an onerous task indeed. IN THE MATTER OF:- The ill-treatment of British prisoners of war on board the S.S. HOFUKU MARU during July, August and September, 1944. ------------------------------------------------------------- A F F I D A V I T 1, Captain James Gibson with permanent address at 12 Nab Wood Crescent, Shipley, Yorkshire, formerly of 122 Field Regiment, Royal Artillery, make oath and say as follows:- 1. I was captured by the Japanese at Singapore on 15 February, 1942, and after being in various prisoner of war camps in Siam I was taken to River Valley Road Camp, Singapore with a party of 2,000 British prisoners of war on June 7th 1944. From this Camp we were embarked on the HOFUKU MARU which sailed from Singapore on July 4th, 1944. 2. I was Officer Commanding the 1300 British troops who were to sail in this vessel. Before embarking I protested strongly to Lieutenant ENO, Serjeant JOTANI and Serjeant NORO about conditions on board ship. I refused to embark the men and Lieut. ENO told me that if we did not go on board, there would be serious repercussions. 3. I had to give way and Lieut. ENO made each prisoner take on board a block of rubber, weighing about 14 lbs. This was their way of loading a cargo of rubber. This ship also carried a cargo of tin ingots and bauxite. 4. Lieut. ENO was the Japanese officer in charge of administration of our ship and of another ship in the same convoy on which prisoners were embarked. Captain HALL, Royal Artillery of 118 Field Regiment, Royal Artillery, who came from Edinburgh, was in charge of the British prisoners on this other ship, the name of which I forget. Lieut. ENO was about 5 feet 5 inches in height, and would weigh about 10 stones. His teeth were not particularly prominent. He was a typical Japanese and difficult to describe. 5. Sjt. JOTANI was in charge of administration on the HOFUKU MARU. He was about 5 feet 6 inches in height and was very strongly and heavily built and would weigh about 12 stones. He had a bullet head and had a few gold teeth. His expression was stupid and ape-like. 6. JOTANI was assisted on our ship by Sjt. NORO who was about 5 feet 5 inches in height. He was small but very well proportioned and would weigh about 10 1/2 stones. He had a Grecian nose and apart from high cheek bones, his looks were most un-Japanese. He was a fine looking man. 7. There were two interpreters on board, a Korean called ARAI, who, I think, never interpreted honestly and who though he never struck any British troops, was often guilty of violence towards some of the 200 Dutch who were also on board. The other interpreter who was really in charge of the rations, was I think, a Korean called MATSUMOTO. He was guilty of withholding rations from us and giving them to the Korean guards. He would rather sell us our rations than give us them. 8. On board the HOFUKU MARU the British prisoners were divided into Sections, each section commanded by a British officer, numbered about 150. 9. The HOFUKU MARU was a very old tramp steamer of about 4,000 tons and in extremely bad condition. It was buikt at Clydeside in 1902. It was very filthy in every way and was in my opinion unsuitable for transporting 1500 personnel. 10. We were accommodated in two holds, one forward and one aft, 650 prisoners being accommodated in each hold. Although the holds had bunks like shelves erected the accommodation was far from adequate. /11.......... - 2 - 11. On 4 July, 1944, our ship sailed in a convoy of 10 or 12 ships. The hatches of the hold were open night and day. At first only our officers and our cooks were allowed on deck but after a few days I think that 100 from each hold were allowed to come up and sleep on the deck. 12. While we were confined to two holds, the 30 Korean guards were allowed a hold to themselves. These two holds were not big enough for all the occupants to lie down at the same time and it was only with the utmost difficulty that the men could be got into the holds at all. They were herded together like cattle, and took it in turns to lie down. 13. Most of the prisoners had khaki drill tunics and shorts and rubber Japanese boots issued in Siam before setting off to the port of embarkation, but by the time we were embarked, these articles of clothing, being of inferior quality, had mostly worn out. Owing to the heat in the holds, most of the prisoners just wore 'G' Strings. 14. There was no provision made for washing, apart from the fact that we were allowed at certain times to haul up buckets of sea water, which we splashed over ourselves. 15. There were no latrines, apart from six box-like arrangements slung over the side of the ship. Many of the prisoners became too weak to climb over the side of the ship and the result was that many had to excrete in the holds. After a time, we were given two wooden latrine buckets per hold, but we were only allowed to empty these twice daily. Eventually we had to resort to using mess tins as bed pans. 16. I should think that at one time during the voyage almost 99 per cent of the prisoners were suffering from Beri-Beri, dysentry and malaria. The conditions of 650 men eating, living and sleeping in such a stifling hold had to be seen to be believed. 17. Each man received a pint of rice twice per day, together with a minute portion of dried vegetable. Occasionally we were given one bucket of fresh fish which had to be divided between 1300 men. At the beginning of the voyage drinking water was issued on the scale of three-quarters of a pint per man per day, and as the condensers on the ship were not working properly, the water was invariably salty and caused much suffering and occasional rioting amogst the men. After numerous complaints made by me to Sjt. JOTANI, the standard of the water was improved, but we never had enough. 18. On 23 July, 1944 we anchored in Manila Bay about half a mile off-shore. By that time the condition of the men had steadily deteriorated and we had our first death a few days after entering Manila Bay. Conditions on the ship owing to sickness and the lack of latrine accommodation were also bad. The death rate rose, and though we had been allowed to take the first man who died ashore for burial, we had to give other prisoners who died a sea burial. Though we were allowed to give our men Christian burials, we were often interrupted by JOTANI and NORO. Their conduct throughout the voysge had consisted mainly of extremme brutality. It was their practice to go round beating prisoners for no apparent reason with iron bars and sticks. I made complaints during the voyage concerning medical supplies, conditions and food but nothing was done and all I received for my pains was blows from JOTANI and NORO who often punched me with their fists, even though during this voyage I weighed only 8 1/2 stones and at one stage lost the use of my legs. 19. We stayed in Manila Bay almost two months during which time no one was allowed on shore. As a result of my repeated complaints 50 of the most serious cases were taken on shore to Manila Hospital. To give some idea of the conditions of the worst cases, I can say that while we were putting these 50 into barges to be taken ashore, our doctors decided that wo of the men would be dead before their arrival at hospital and we therefore kept these in the ship and sent two other men to hospital instead. During the evacuation of these 50 hospital cases the behaviour of JOTANI, NORO and the other Japanese was brutal and callous in the extreme. They were always hurrying us on and helping us with blows. 20. During the time we were in Manila Bay, over 100 of the British prisoners died. We received from one of the American camps in Manila, supplies of vitamin 'B' and 'C' injections and muti-vitamin tablets to counteract Beri-Beri. The bulk of these medical supplies were however kept by JOTANI for the use of the /Japanese............. - 3 - Japanese guards. A very small quantity was given to our doctors who were compelled by JOTANI to inject the Japanese guards and members of the ship's crew with these vitamin injections. 21. By the end of our stay in Manila Bay it was the monsoon period and with the holds being open they were running in water and the conditions in the hold had by this time become indescribably filthy. By the middle of September, I should say that 90 per cent of the men were unable to walk without assistance. 22. On September, 20th, 1944 the ship left Manila Bay but on the following day it was sunk by aerial attack from American planes. Our ship had no distinguishing marks to indicate it was any other than an ordinary cargo boat. Besides being torpedoed, one bomb fell into each hold of the prisoners holds. Apart from this, the majority of the prisoners were, in view of their physical condition, quite unable to make any attempt to save themselves. I should think at least a thousand prisoners went down with the ship which sank in less than five minutes. JOTANI, NORO and the majority of the Japanese crew were picked up by lifeboats from escorting Japanese destroyers. There were no lifeboats available as these had been riddled by Machine-Gun fire from the American fighters. In any event, there were only two lifeboats on the ship. 23. As JOTANI had previously warned me that if there was any attack on the ship, he would shoot any prisoner who attempted to leave the holds, I went up on deck to try and stop any panic. I was therefore lucky enough to get overboard and swim three miles to the shore, where I joined some Filipino guerillas. After spending five months with the latter, I was picked up by an American torpedo boat which was patrolling offshore. 24. As regards the indescribable conditions on board, the HOFUKU MARU, I would say that JOTANI and NORO were entirely responsible, even though at the time they always blamed their superiors. Lieut. ENO could not be blamed for what happened to us in Manila Bay as he had already left in a ship for Japan. 25. All I have described regarding the conditions on this ship for which I hold JOTANI and NORO responsible, could be corroborated by the following Section Officers on the HOFUKU MARU if they are still alive:- Captain Nigel Evans of the Manchester Regiment, whose address I do not know. Captain Lewis. R.A.M.C., a Welshman. Captain McNiel, C.F., a Northern Irishman, a regular officer. Captain Robson, R.A.M.C., whose address I do not know. I think he came from Leeds. Captain Peter Dean, Cambridgeshire Regiment, whose address I do not know. Lieut. "Stalky" Cox, Suffolk Regiment, whose address I do not know. Captain Lawrence, Gordon Highlanders. SWORN by the said James Gibson ) at Bradford in the County of York ) James Gibson this 16th day of February, 1946. ) BEFORE ME J A ( unreadable) A Commissioner for Oaths.
Another JAG prepared affidavit. The penultimate. Office Registry Original for Alfsea 573/6 5 S 1342 "L" H.E.R. Smith Lt.Col President MD/JAG/FS/JT/15(1C) AMBM/JW IN THE MATTER OF JAPANESE WAR CRIMES AND IN THE MATTER OF THE VOYAGE OF THE "HOFUKU MARU" FROM SINGAPORE TO JAPAN JULY - SEPTEMBER 1944. ----------------------------------------------------------- A F F I D A V I T _____________________ I, No. 77678 Captain Nigel Keith Evans, the Manchester Regiment, at present stationed at 24 M.G.T.C., Chester, and with address C/o Llloyds Bank, Cox and King's Branch, London, make oath and say as follows:- 1. I was captured at Singapore on about 15 February, 1942. After being there for some months I was sent up to work on the railway in Siam. I stayed there until the early part of June 1944. The Japanese then formed 72 working parties of 150 other ranks, an MO, and an officer of the line under the rank of major. These parties were intended to work in Japan. I was posted to one of these parties, which together with some others left Chungkai on June 6th. We travelled by train to Singapore where we arrived on June 11th. We were taken to HAVELOCK ROAD CAMP where we stayed until June 26th when we embarked on the Japanese transport HOFUKU MARU, a ship of approximately 6000 tons. The total number on board was 1287 all ranks. We were divided between two holds and were so crowded that it was impossible for everyone to lie down at once. We stayed in Singapore harbour until July 4th when we sailed in a convoy of seven ships escorted by two destroyers. On July 9th we arrived at MIRI in BORNEO having broken down for six hours on the way. On arrival we were informed that we would be stopping there for a time whilst repairs were carried out to the engines. Our convoy together with one other shipload of prisoners left us and sailed on. When we were in MIRI the supply of fresh vegetables and meat taken on board at Singapore ran out and the Japanese serjeant in charge of us said that they were unable to get any more. Up to this time we had been receiving two meals of rice and stew a day but we were now reduced to rice porridge and salt in the morning and a pint of steamed rice with a level tablespoonful of dried fish in the afternoon. The issue of fish was one, about the size of a Kipper between sixteen men. We continued to exist on this diet until after our arrival in Manila where the salt fish was replaced with an equal quantity of sweet potato until September 21st - in all seventy four days. 2. We were picked up in MIRI by another convoy and sailed on July 14 arriving in MANILA on July 19th. Once again we were informed that the engines were still unsatisfactory and that we would stay there while further repairs were carried out. Part of our cargo was unloaded and the Japanese civilians who were on board were disembarked. Despite numerous alterations and repairs however the boat was not considered satisfactory until September 20th. 3. As can be imagined our diet and the fact that we were not allowed on deck after our arrival at Manila soon began to have serious effects. /4.......... - 2 - 4. My repeated requests to the Japanese to allow us to go ashore were refused, the only concession being that we were allowed to send fifty of the sick ashore to the American Prisoner of War's Hospital. We also received a small quantity of Red Cross drugs from this hospital but the bulk of this was stolen by the Japanese guards and crew. All the Japanese on board were having vitamin injections with drugs acquired from this supply but we were unable to get any for men who were dying. 5. During our stay in Manila Bay a total of ninety four deaths occurred on board all of which were due to malnutrition. We were not allowed to take the bodies ashore and were forced to bury them at sea. After the first few deaths we were prevented from holding any form of funeral service. There was no possible reason for this. 6. Conditions on board became terrible. We were compelled to leave latrine buckets in the hold, to serve our meals there and also keep the dead there until they could be buried. On one occasion a corpse remained there for thirty six hours. It was a common sight to see prisoners of war eating their meals within six feet of a corpse being prepared for burial. On the day before we sailed over a third of the officers and men were unable to walk unassisted and there were a number of mental cases. This was entirely due to underfeeding and the unsanitary conditions under which we were living. 7. We eventually left Manila on September 20th and sailed with a convoy of seven freight ships and tankers escorted by two destroyers. We sailed throughout the day hugging the coast and anchored at night. We got under way again at 7.00 o'clock the next morning. As breakfast had not arrived by 11.00 o'clock I went up on deck to ascertain the cause and saw about seventy planes overhead, on their way as we subsequently learnt to bomb Manila. A number of these planes left the formation and flew down the convoy machinegunning the boats in turn. They then returned and sank all seven ships and also one of the two destroyers. Our ship received three direct hits amidships and sank in two minutes. All the prisoners on board went down with the vessel. There were insufficient lifebelts to go round and the holds were partially battened down. However, the captain, crew, and guards all left the boat as soon as the machinegunning started making no attempt to release the prisoners. When I came to the surface the sea was covered with wreckage and there were a number of men, many of them wounded, hanging on to the various pieces of wreckage. I had been in the water about two hours when a destroyer arrived to pick up the Japanese survivors. Together with about forty men who were in my area I swam over to the destroyer and started to climb up the ropes and ladders that were hanging over the sides. The crew however had bamboo poles with which they knocked us off. After about a further half hour one of the officers gave instructions that we were allowed to come aboard which we all did with the exception of two men who were wounded and who the Japanese refused to allow us to assist as they said they would die anyway. When we were on board we were placed in the bows of the ship exposed to the sun and wind. All of us had lost our clothing when the boat went down. We were kept on deck for four days which the destroyer took to reach TAIWAN. We ran into a storm that lasted for two days and the decks were continually awash. Two men died of exposure. Our food consisted of one small ball of rice each day about the size of a small tea cup. A number of the survivors were wounded but the Japanese would not give them medical assistance nor would they supply drugs or dressings with which we could alleviate their sufferings. 8. We arrived at TAKAU on September 25th and were put ashore still without clothing. We were taken to a Japanese camp nearby where we were issued with one rice sack per man to cover ourselves. They still refused us medical attention for the sick one of whom died while we were there. We then moved to HAITO P.O.W. Camp where we stayed in isolation for one /month.......... - 3 - month being confined to one small hut and only allowed out for about 15 mins each day. We were allowed no books, cigarettes or other amenities. 9. In all there are to the best of my belief 243 survivors out of the 1287 who originally embarked in S.S. HOFUKU MARU. 10. Serjeant JOTANI was the Japanese in charge of the prisoners of war on board the "HOFUKU MARU". I consider him responsible for all the ill- treatment which we suffered while on board this ship and for the many deaths which occurred. JOTANI was picked up with me after the "HOFUKU MARU" had been sunk and accompanied me on board the destroyer until we reached FORMOSA. I have been shown Plate 1 containing the photographs of 12 Japanese and I recognose JOTANI as being No. 165 on that plate. 11. Serjeant NORO was JOTANI's right hand man on board the "HOFUKU MARU" and he too I consider responsible for the deaths and ill-treatment. I have been shown Plate 18 containing the photographs of 12 Japanese and I recognise him as being No. 135 on that plate. NORO also came to FORMOSA after the sinking. 12. The interpreter on board the "HOFUKU MARU" was called Private ARIE. As well as being interpreter he acted as adjutant for JOTANI and had a very great part in making life as unpleasant for us as he could. On numerous occasions he beat up prisoners of war and whenever JOTANI ordered our rations to be taken away from us, it was ARIE who actually removed the food. He also made it a point to interpet (sic) all the orders which were given him in the most vicious way he could. I do not know what happened to ARIE after the sinking. 13. All these 3 men, JOTANI, NORO and ARIE stole the Red Cross supplies which came on board the "HOFUKU MARU" while we were in MANILA, as previously mentioned in paragraph 4 of this affidavit. SWORN by the above named Keith ) Evans, at 6, Spring Gardens, in the ) N.K.Evans City of Westminster, on this eighth ) (Signed) N.K. Evans. day of May, 1946. ) BEFORE ME A.M. Bell-Macdonald (Signed) A.M. Bell-Macdonald, Major Legal Staff, Mil. Dept. Office of the Judge Advocate General.
The final major affidavit used by the prosecution. There are other affidavits relating to identification by photographic material. MD/JAG/FS/JT/15(1C) 575/5A S1006 CGM/JW 4 K IN THE MATTER OF JAPANESE WAR CRIMES AND IN THE MATTER OF THE VOYAGE OF THE "HOFUKU MARU' FROM SINGAPORE BOUND FOR JAPAN, JULY TO SEPTEMBER, 1944 ---------------------------------------------------------------- A F F I D A V I T I, Lieutenant Peter Stanley Walter DEAN (95252), The Suffolk Regiment, now stationed at No. 3 Infantry Training Centre, Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk, and with permanent home address at White Lodge, Colchester, Essex, make oath and say as follows:- 1. I was captured at SINGAPORE on 15 February, 1942, and after being there for about 9 months, I was sent to SIAM, which I left to return to SINGAPORE on 7 June, 1944. On 9 JULY, 1944, I embarked on the "HOFUKU MARU" for Japan along with 1,286 other prisoners of war of whom 200 were Dutch. 2. I was messing officer throughout the voyage and in charge of No.33 Party of 150 men. The British officer in command of the prisoners was Captain J. Gibson, R.A. The Japanese NCO in charge was Serjeant-Major JOTANI, Serjeant NARO was JOTANI's 2nd in command, and there were abot 30 Korean guards under their command. Private MATSUMOTO was the Japanese in charge of food. 3. The food provided was just sufficient to keep prisoners of war who were not working alive for a matter of months, but certainly not enough to keep them in good health. The average daily ration per man was 2 meals a day which consisted of half a mess tin of rice, one teaspoonful of dried fish and three-quarters of a pint of water, with from time to time one dessert spoonful of sweet potatoes in addition. 4. Until we reached MANILA no medical supplies of any kind were provided by the Japanese, all we had was what each British MO brought with him. At MANILA a small quantity of medical supplies was brought on board from the American Prisoner of War Camp, but this would have only been sufficient for a few days. 5. Accommodation was very crowded. There was not enough room for everybody to lie down at once. In 2 holds the heat was intense as they were situated next to the engine room of this coal burning ship. The sanitary arrangements were totally inadequate and consisted of only 6 wooden boxes slung over the side of the ship. For the first 5 days the holds were battened down but later we were allowed to feed on deck. 6. The lack of food and medical supplies allied to the over crowding resulted in a high rate of sickness - mainly pellagra, beri-beri and dysentery - and many deaths. There were 95 deaths between 1 August, 1944 and 21 September, 1944 when the ship was sunk. This is exclusive of those who died after being put ashore at MANILA. Ultimately there were so few men fit to walk that there were not enough to care for the remainder who were all sick. The bodies of those who had died were piled on the deck and thrown overboard in batches, usually at night. Under these circumstances it was impossible to have proper funeral services or honour the dead in any way. The Japanese treated the disposal of the bodies as a routine task. 7. Despite repeated requests by Captain GIBSON the ship remained without any distinguishing marks to show it was carrying prisoners of war. At this time the American attack on the Philippines was beginning and their aircraft /particularly........ - 2 - particularly were very active in the area. The ship was thus obviously exposed to the danders of attacks from surface ships, submarines and especially aircraft. One wave of about 200 American dive-bombers passed near us on their way to attack MANILA. 8. On many occasions Serjeant-Major JOTANI personally carried out unwarranted beatings with broom handles, bamboo sticks or anything else that came handy on numbers of prisoners, both officers and men. I myself was struck frequently by him. The assaults on me were usually administered with a broom handle on my face and head. He also frequently struck my messing serjeant ( whose name I cannot remember and who was killed when the ship was attacked and sunk ( in the same manner. On one occasion JOTANI gave him ( my serjeant ) a particularly bad beating with my web belt using it with the buckles outwards, which resulted in his face and body being cut, and finally in his being knocked senseless. 9. JOTANI alao allowed the guards a free hand in the treatment of the prisoners. The guards took advantage of this to ill-treat the prisoners in a similar manner to that employed by JOTANI himself. Attempts were made by British officers to complain to JOTANI about the guards' behaviour, but he refused to see any officer and Serjeant NARO, to whom complaints were made took no action and in fact encouraged the guards to use physical violence. NARO himself ill-treated prisoners, but to a lesser extent than JOTANI. 10. Private ARI, one of the guards who acted as interpreter, took infinite delight in beating prisoners who complained to him. Private MATSUMOTO and another guard called YUNAME stile and sold to the other guards quantities of the prisoners' rations, particularly sugar. 11. We arrived in MANILA Bay about the end of July 1944 where we lay off- shore till 20 September, 1944. On arrival repeated requests were made by our MO's to JOTANI to disembark about 200 seriously sick cases. He allowed only 50 to be sent ashore of whom all were incapable of walking and in an abnormal mental state. 75% of these men later died at BILI BID Prisoner of War Camp ( mostly occupied by Americans) at MANILA. In spite of repeated requests by the British officers on board no prisoners were allowed on shore during our stay of about 6 weeks. The only exception was a burial party which went ashore with the body of the first prisoner to die after we reached MANILA Bay. The Japanese would not allow further burial parties ashore and the bodies had to be disposed of overboard. 12. On 20 September, 1944, we left MANILA Bay in convoy bound for Japan. The following day at approximately 1045 hours the convoy was attacked by 50 American carrier-borne dive and torpedo bombers. The Japanese seemed to know an attack was imminent as from 0600 hours they had been wearing life-belts. No previous warning was given to us. All the prisoners were below decks except for the cooks at the time of the attack. When the planes appeared all the Japanese abandoned the ship which was machine-gunned and then hit by three ariel (sic) torpedoes which split her in half. She sank in about 5 minutes. About 1,000 prisoners were trapped in the holds and were drowned. The survivors were picked up after 6 hours in the water. 221 of them were taken to MANILA and the majority of the remainder went to FORMOSA. 13. I eventually reached FORMOSA where I was told by other prisoners that Serjeant-Major JOTANI and Serjeant NARO together with most of the Korean guards had arrived by destroyer at TAIKOHU. I regard Serjeant-Major JOTANI as solely responsible for conditions during the voyage as he was in complete charge of all the prisoners of war on board and the Japanese guards escorting them. SWORN by the above named Peter Stanley Walter ) P.S.W.Dean Dean, at 6, Spring Gardens, in the City of ) (sgd.) P.S.W.Dean. Westminster this 18th day of APRIL ) 1946. ) BEFORE ME Alan Bell Macdonald. (Sgd) A.M. Bell-Macdonald, Major Legal Staff' Mil. Dept. Office of the Judge Advocate General.
